Showing posts with label American Jews. Show all posts
Showing posts with label American Jews. Show all posts

Saturday, February 4, 2017

American and Israeli Jews .... Twins? Foes? Bickering first cousins fighting over the family heritage ,responsibility and leadership throne?

Image result for American Jews vs Israeli Jews Cartoon
American and Israeli Jews: Twin Portraits From Pew Research Center Surveys

If you are Jewish, odds are that you live in Israel or the United States. Four out of every five Jews in the world live in these two countries, with approximately 6 million Jews in each.

Differing perspectives

Pew Research Center has surveyed Jewish adults in both places, and has found deep bonds between them. Nevertheless, their experiences and perspectives are very different. For instance, we asked Jews in Israel to describe, in their own words, the biggest long-term problem facing their country. They were as likely to cite economic concerns (such as Israel’s high cost of living, or a shortage of affordable housing in Tel Aviv and other cities) as they were to mention military or national security issues (such as terror attacks or Iran’s nuclear program).
In many respects, Israel is a red state and American Jews are a blue country. —

Yet when American Jews were asked to name Israel’s biggest long-term problem, fully two-thirds cited a military or security issue, and hardly any (1%) mentioned economic difficulties – which suggests that many Jews in the United States either don’t know much about Israelis’ day-to-day economic challenges or don’t worry much about them.

Israeli Jews aren’t simply Pollyannaish about their security problems. In fact, Jews in Israel are much less optimistic than Jews in the United States about the prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Fewer than half of Israeli Jews (43%) polled in 2014 and 2015 said they believe “a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully with each other,” compared with a clear majority of American Jews (61%) polled on the same question in 2013.
Like Jews in the United States, Jews in Israel are deeply divided over settlement construction in the West Bank, which Palestinians view as an obstacle to peace. Overall, however, Israeli Jews lean toward the position that settlements help Israel’s security, while a plurality of American Jews think settlements hurt Israel’s own security. Younger American Jews are especially likely to question whether Israel’s government is sincerely seeking peace and to say the United States gives “too much” support to Israel, leading some commentators to suggest that the two Jewish communities may be drifting apart.

“Israelis live in the least hospitable region on the planet, not only for Jews, for everybody. And American Jews live in the most welcoming society, the most hospitable society that Jews have ever known in 4,000 years.”

Clearly, Jews face a different constellation of political and economic issues in Israel than they do in the United States. But it’s interesting to note that on the Israeli political spectrum, most Jews place themselves in the center or on the right, while on the American spectrum, most Jews identify with the center or the political left.


Minority and majority

These broad ideological differences may be connected to the very different social contexts in which Israeli and U.S. Jews live. American Jews are a highly educated and, on the whole, warmly regarded religious minority in a very large, Christian-majority country. Jews represent about 2% of the U.S. adult population of roughly 300 million people. Only about one-third of American Jews say that either “all” (5%) or “most” (27%) of their close friends are Jewish. A substantial proportion (44%) of U.S. Jews who are married say their spouse is not Jewish – including a majority of those who have gotten married since 2000.
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By contrast, Jews make up about 80% of Israel’s adult population of 8 million. The vast majority of Israeli Jews say that either all (67%) or most (31%) of their close friends are Jewish, and nearly all married Jews in Israel have Jewish spouses. There’s also very little conversion between major religious groups in Israel, while in the United States, religious switching is remarkably common, including many U.S. adults who have drifted away from organized religion altogether. In our 2013 survey, one out of every five Jewish Americans said they do not identify with any religion, even though they also said they had at least one Jewish parent or were raised Jewish, and they consider themselves Jewish in other ways aside from religion (such as culturally or ethnically). In Israel, by contrast, nearly all Jews say their religion is Judaism.

“American Jews like to think of Israel as an extension of themselves. They think, ‘I’m an American Jew, they’re Jews, they’re just like me.’ But … Jews are living in two worlds.”
Jewish identity in Israel

Of course, not all Israeli Jews are religiously observant. Nor are they unchanging in their religious identity. Indeed, there is a fair amount of movement among different categories of Jews in Israel.

Some Israeli Jews are raised in a largely secular environment but choose to follow Jewish religious law (halakha) later in life. Such a person is known in Hebrew as a “baal teshuva,” or “one who returns.” But more Israeli Jews move in the other direction: They were raised in religious families but embrace a more secular lifestyle as adults. They are sometimes called “datlash,” short for “dati le’she’avar” (which translates as “formerly religious”).

Most American Jews are part of organized Jewish denominations or “streams,” which include the relatively large Reform and Conservative movements as well as Orthodox Judaism. In Israel, only about 5% of Jews identify as either Reform or Conservative. Instead, Jews in Israel generally place themselves into one of four informal categories of Jewish religious identity. These labels – Haredi (ultra-Orthodox), Dati (religious), Masorti (traditional) and Hiloni (secular) – are not connected to formal Jewish organizations or denominations, but instead are loose identity groups (similar, for example, to an American Christian calling herself an “evangelical” rather than a “Southern Baptist”).
“I was dumbfounded because I just learned in history of the American Jews that they have Orthodox, Conservative, Reform, but I never saw anything like it and I felt like it came out of the book.”

Four Israelis on what being Jewish means to them



Self-described secular Jews, or Hilonim, make up about half of all Israeli Jews. Many are indeed firmly secular – a majority of Hilonim say they never pray or go to synagogue, and 44% say they do not believe in God. But, nonetheless, many Hilonim take part in Jewish rituals that are now deeply embedded in Israeli culture. For instance, nearly nine-in-ten (87%) say they attended or held a Seder last Passover. About a third of Israeli secular Jews say they keep kosher at home, and a similar share (30%) fasted all day last Yom Kippur.

Here [in Israel] it was very, you know, it was a dichotomy – either you’re observant or you’re secular.

Masortim (traditional Jews) are, religiously speaking, the middle ground of Israeli society – on average, they are not as observant of Jewish law as Orthodox Jews, but they are not as secular as Hilonim. They also appear to be shrinking as a share of Israeli Jews, which suggests some religious polarization may be taking place over time (meaning people are more clustered at each end of the religious spectrum, with fewer in the middle).

In America, I just felt that Judaism was, you know, people were living their life and then there was a little bit of Jewish interest, and that was not a total interest.— SHULA

Two categories of Israeli Jews are what Americans might think of as Orthodox: Datiim are similar in some ways to Modern Orthodox Jews in the United States. They are highly observant of Jewish law but also strongly integrated into Israeli society (for instance, by serving in the Israeli military). Many – though by no means all – Datiim describe themselves as “religious Zionists” and hold political views that entwine religious identity and nationalism. Datiim are more likely than any other religious group in Israel to identify with the political right, to favor Jewish settlements in the West Bank and to say Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel.

Haredim (sometimes called ultra-Orthodox Jews) are much less integrated into Israel’s broader society than are Datiim. Most do not serve in the Israeli military, and many Haredi men remain outside the workforce, instead receiving some form of subsidy from the government for religious study. Politically, Haredim have been focused primarily on the economic well-being and religious concerns of their community. Due to very high fertility rates – 28% of Haredim ages 40 and older report having had seven or more children – they are growing as a percentage of Israeli Jews and changing the dynamics of Israeli Jewish society in the process. For instance, non-Haredi Israeli politicians have proposed drafting Haredim into the military and reducing some government subsidies for Haredim as the group grows.

“In the Haredi community in general, we stick with our own. We stick with our people, the ones that are similar to you. Those are the ones you marry. Those are the ones you stay around and those are the ones your kids go to school with.”

Together, Haredim and Datiim make up 22% of Israeli Jews – more than double the share of U.S. Jews who identify as Orthodox (10%). This is one reason Jews in Israel are, on average, more religious than American Jews.

But it is not the only reason; non-Orthodox Jews in Israel also are more likely than non-Orthodox Jews in the U.S. to keep kosher dietary laws, observe the Sabbath and fast on Yom Kippur, to name just a few traditional practices. One possible explanation: Jewish observance is more ingrained in daily life in Israel than it is in the U.S. For example, many Israeli businesses close early on Friday afternoon before the start of the Sabbath. Kosher food is more widely available than it is in the U.S., and major Jewish holidays are Israeli national holidays.

% of Jews in each country who❬























































And although Israeli Jews are – on the whole – more religious than American Jews, that’s not the whole story. Because 22% of Israeli Jews are Orthodox and an even larger number are secular, Israel has a more religiously polarized Jewish public than America does.


If you ask me whether Israeli Jews are more religious than American Jews or less religious than American Jews, the answer is: ‘Yes.’

For example, while there are more Israeli Jews than American Jews who attend synagogue weekly (27% vs 11%), there also are more Israeli Jews than American Jews who never attend synagogue (33% vs. 22%). A substantial proportion of American Jews (35%) say they go to synagogue “a few times a year,” such as for the High Holidays, while just 14% of Israeli Jews describe themselves as attending synagogue in such a regular, yet infrequent, way.

Jews in the U.S. and Israel also differ on what “being Jewish” means to them, personally. While both groups largely agree that remembering the Holocaust is vital to their Jewish identity, Americans are far more likely than Israelis to say that pursuing ethics, morality and justice in society, as well as displaying “intellectual curiosity” and having a “good sense of humor,” are essential to what being Jewish means to them. Israeli Jews, meanwhile, more commonly highlight observance of Jewish law and a connection to Jewish history, culture or community.




“American Jewish critics of Israel, they’ll say, ‘That’s not … how could Israel have done this, that’s not Jewish?’ I’m thinking, ‘Well, not Jewish for who?’”

Drawing together

For two populations that live an ocean apart – both literally and metaphorically – Israeli Jews and American Jews remain remarkably close in other ways. About four-in-ten American Jews have traveled to Israel at least once (many have done so more than once), and a similar share of Israeli Jews have visited the United States.

The affinity between the two groups is definitely there, and it’s quite strong.—

Jewish Americans feel a strong emotional connection with the Jewish state: A solid majority say they are either “very” or “somewhat” attached to Israel and that caring about Israel is either “essential” or “important” to what being Jewish means to them. The connection is felt both ways: Most Israeli Jews say Jewish Americans have a good impact on the way things are going in Israel. In addition, most Israeli Jews say that a thriving diaspora is vital to the long-term survival of the Jewish people and that Jews in the two countries share a “common destiny.”


Jews are a people who often look back and feel pride in a long, resilient history. When Jews in both Israel and the United States look ahead, many see their counterparts in the other country – despite all their differences – as fellow passengers on the same journey.

Sunday, July 17, 2016

American Pro Israel Jews still getting it Wrong on Zion

American Pro Israel Jews still getting it Wrong on Zion

Many American Jewish critics of Israel define themselves as avowedly pro-Israel, seeking to save the country from itself by pushing for a Palestinian state.
Clinton AIPAC
Hillary Clinton addresses AIPAC in Washington DC. (photo credit:screenshot)
‘I’ve been really surprised by the support for the two-state solution that I’ve seen from the AIPAC leadership.” That was the opening remark from a leading Israeli liberal journalist, participating in a panel at the AIPAC Policy Conference earlier this year.

His surprise no doubt arose from his presumption that AIPAC is an Obama-bashing cheerleader for the Israeli Right; a notion he would have absorbed from his friends in J Street, and from left-leaning bastions of the American Jewish establishment.
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As a comment it actually tells us less about AIPAC and more about the disconnect between Israeli and American Jews, in particular the very different notions of what constitutes being “right wing” in the two countries.

In Israeli terms, AIPAC reflects the mainstream majority position: supporting a two-state solution and willing to trade land for peace in principle, but essentially unconvinced that the Palestinian Authority is a serious partner and deeply worried about what kind of regime would replace Israeli administration of the West Bank. Poll after poll in Israel reveals this formulation to be accepted by 60%-70% of Israeli Jews.

Among American Jews however, it appears that to take any position which does not regard PA President Mahmoud Abbas as a moderate and the Netanyahu government as the obdurate obstacle to peace is “right wing.”

The 2016 Pew Survey comparing Israeli and American Jewish opinions on politics and religion provides statistical evidence for this disconnect.

Using country-appropriate terminology, the research has just 9% of Israeli Jews self-defining as left-wing, compared to the 49% of American Jews calling themselves “liberal.”

A majority of Israeli Jews (55%) do not define themselves as right-wing, however, but rather as “centrist” (translated as “moderate” on the American sample).

Unlike so many American Jews, most Israelis do not regard Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a hardline conservative, but as an ultra-cautious realist. Israelis do believe that ultimately most of the territory over the Green Line will have to be relinquished, but do not trust the Left to approach it in a way that is sufficiently security-conscious.

Netanyahu’s vague endorsement of two states, while constantly sounding the alarm about Palestinian intentions, has therefore been a consistently winning electoral strategy.

Peter Beinart, one of the most eloquent and oft-cited spokespeople for the “Israel needs tough love” faction, has praised those Jewish Americans who visit the West Bank and now understand “the human consequences of holding millions of people as non-citizens, without free movement, under military law, for almost 50 years.”

Many Israelis also understand this.

Except the majority of them understand something else, too: that this wretched situation has continued principally because of the Palestinians themselves.

As Hillary Clinton reminded us (and Bernie Sanders) in their debate in New York, the Palestinians would already have a state had Yasser Arafat not rejected her husband’s parting proposal – the unprecedented offer of a Palestinian state on 93% to 97% of the West Bank and Gaza with a capital in east Jerusalem and de facto control over the Temple Mount.

Arafat’s decision was referred to by the then-Saudi ambassador to the United States as a “crime against the Palestinian people.”

“But that was Arafat,” argue the Beinarts of this world. Israel is now blessed to have a true moderate at the helm of the PA. Abbas is desperate to reach a just and lasting peace, we are told by J Street. If only he had a true peace partner on the Israeli side instead of Netanyahu.

Except that it was Abbas, not Netanyahu , who twice walked away from American-brokered negotiations, even after Israel’s “intransigent” prime minister froze settlement building (in the first instance) and released Palestinian terrorists (in the second).

The “right wing” position of AIPAC and others is the mainstream understanding among the majority of Israeli Jews.

The current iteration of Palestinian terrorism, including the shooting in the Sarona market in Tel Aviv and a Jerusalem bus bombing in the past couple of months, was initially incited by the libelous accusation spread by Abbas himself that Israel planned to change the status quo on the Temple Mount, or even to damage the Aksa Mosque. Early on in what was then primarily a “knife intifada,” Abbas declared on Palestinian television: “The Aksa [mosque] is ours...

and they [the Jews] have no right to defile it with their filthy feet...We bless every drop of blood that has been spilled for Jerusalem, which is clean and pure blood, blood spilled for Allah, Allah willing.”

Both opposition leader Isaac Herzog and Yair Lapid (whose Yesh Atid party is currently polling second behind the Likud) are liberal on the issues that matter to Democrat-voting American Jews. Both are supporters of gay rights, religious pluralism and government action to address societal inequalities. Both however have concluded that there is no possibility in the immediate future for a negotiated peace deal with the PA.

Shomo Avineri, one of Israel’s most respected political scientists and historians and a veteran of the Israeli Left expertly dissected the root cause of the conflict in Haaretz last October; namely, the refusal of the Palestinians to come to terms with the legitimacy and permanence of a Jewish sovereign state anywhere on this land: “Most Israelis view the conflict as a struggle between two national movements: the Jewish national movement – Zionism – and the Palestinian national movement as part of the wider Arab national movement...

According to the Palestinians’ view, this is not a conflict between two national movements but a conflict between one national movement (the Palestinian) and a colonial and imperialistic entity (Israel). According to this view, Israel will end like all colonial phenomena – it will perish and disappear.”

This reality is felt by Israelis in a way it is not – and perhaps cannot be – by American observers.

Many American Jewish critics of Israel define themselves as avowedly pro-Israel, seeking to save the country from itself by pushing for a Palestinian state. They have every right to criticize the policies of the Israeli government. What is problematic is when they see only Israel’s flaws and mistakes, and not those of the Palestinians. When they buy into the soft bigotry of low expectations – so dominant now on university campuses – that infantilizes the Palestinians as helpless victims; as an oppressed people not responsible for their actions, that must be coddled and supported at every turn, no matter what violence they commit – and no matter that their poverty and despair is as much a result of the corruption and criminality of the PA as it is of the occupation.

It is we here in Israel who live the consequences of Palestinian rejectionism; we and our children are the targets of the violence incited and then celebrated by our putative peace partners. We will live with whatever regime or chaos emerges in the West Bank in the days and weeks following an Israeli withdrawal. Many of us also worry about the future of our democracy and the moral cost of occupation. We also want peace. But not at any cost.