Thursday, October 6, 2016

CLINTON VS. TRUMP ON KEY MIDDLE EAST ISSUES: PREPPING FOR THE DEBATE PolicyWatch. Prepared by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP)


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CLINTON VS. TRUMP ON KEY MIDDLE EAST ISSUES: PREPPING FOR THE DEBATE
PolicyWatch. Prepared by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP)

As the first presidential debate approaches, here is a collection of quotations by Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton, Republican candidate Donald Trump, and their respective party platforms on key Middle East policy issues.

SYRIA
Clinton
  • "We have to support and maintain the ceasefire in Syria. And we should also work with our coalition partners and opposition forces on the ground to create safe areas where Syrians can remain in the country rather than fleeing toward Europe." (March 23 Stanford speech)
  • "I do still support a no-fly zone because I think we need to put in safe havens for those poor Syrians who are fleeing both Assad and ISIS and so they can have some place to be safe." (April 14 debate)
Trump
  • "Let's say you get rid of Assad, you knock out that government -- who's gonna take over? The people that we're backing? And then you're gonna have, like, Libya?" (February 10 CBS interview)
  • "Assad is bad. Maybe these people [U.S.-backed Syrian rebels] could be worse." (October 13, 2015 Guardianinterview)
  • "I would have stayed out of Syria and wouldn't have fought so much...against Assad because I thought that was a whole thing...So now you have Iran and you have Russia in favor of Assad. We're supposed to fight the two of them. At the same time, we're supposed to fight ISIS, who is fighting Assad." (May 20 CNBC Morning Joeinterview)
  • "We have to get rid of ISIS before we get rid of Assad...How do you fight them both when they are fighting each other? And I think ISIS is a threat that's much more important for us right now than Assad." (July 21 New York Times interview)
IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL
Clinton
  • "Without a deal, Iran's breakout time...would shrink to a couple of months. With a deal, that breakout time stretches to a year, which means that if Iran cheats, we'll know it and we'll have time to respond decisively." (September 9, 2015 Brookings speech)
  • "I'll hold the line against Iranian non-compliance. That means penalties even for small violations...I will not hesitate to take military action if Iran attempts to obtain a nuclear weapon." (September 9, 2015 Brookings speech)
  • "This deal must come with vigorous enforcement, strong monitoring, clear consequences for any violations, and a broader strategy to confront Iran's aggression across the region." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
Trump
  • "My number one priority is to dismantle the disastrous deal with Iran...This deal is catastrophic -- for America, for Israel, and for the whole Middle East." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
  • "They can keep the terms and still get to the bomb by simply running out the clock, and of course, they keep the [$150 billion]." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
  • "[The Iran deal] is one of the worst deals ever, ever made by this country. It is a disaster." (March 10 debate)
IRAN TERROR SPONSORSHIP
Clinton
  • "I will build a coalition to counter Iran's proxies, particularly Hezbollah. This means enforcing and strengthening the rules prohibiting the transfer of weapons to Hezbollah, looking at new ways to choke off their funding, and pressing our partners to treat Hezbollah as the terrorist organization it is." (September 9, 2015 Brookings speech)
  • "I do not think we should promise or even look toward normalizing relations [with Iran]...Yes, they have to stop being the main state sponsor of terrorism. Yes, they have to stop trying to destabilize the Middle East, causing even more chaos. Yes, they've got to get out of Syria. They've got to quit sponsoring Hezbollah and Hamas. They have got to quit trying to ship rockets into Gaza that can be used against Israel." (February 11 debate)
Trump
  • "We will totally dismantle Iran's terror network. Iran has seeded terror groups all over the world...including in the Western hemisphere very close to home." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS
Clinton
  • "Israelis deserve a secure homeland for the Jewish people. Palestinians ought to be able to govern themselves in their own state, in peace and dignity. Only a negotiated two-state agreement can provide those outcomes. If we look at the broader regional context, converging interests between Israel and key Arab states could make it possible to promote progress on the Israeli-Palestinian issue." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
Trump
  • "A lot will have to do with Israel and whether or not Israel wants to make the deal -- whether or not Israel's willing to sacrifice certain things." (December 3 AP interview)
  • "Let me be sort of a neutral guy [in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations]." (February 17 MSNBC town hall)
  • "A [peace agreement] imposed by the UN would be a total and complete disaster...It will only further delegitimize Israel and it would reward Palestinian terrorism." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
U.S.-ISRAEL RELATIONS
Clinton
  • "As president, I will make a firm commitment to ensure Israel maintains its qualitative military edge. The United States should provide Israel with the most sophisticated defense technology so it can deter and stop any threat." (March 21 AIPAC speech)
Trump
  • "When I become president, the days of treating Israel like a second-class citizen will end on Day One." (March 21AIPAC speech)
THE ISLAMIC STATE: U.S. RESPONSE
Clinton
  • "We cannot contain ISIS -- we must defeat ISIS...We should intensify the coalition air campaign against its fighters, leaders, and infrastructure; step up support for local Arab and Kurdish forces on the ground and coalition efforts to protect civilians; and pursue a diplomatic strategy aimed at achieving political resolutions to Syria's civil war and Iraq's sectarian divide." (March 23 Stanford speech)
  • "I think we also have to try to disrupt [the ISIS] supply chain of foreign fighters and foreign money, and we do have to contest them in online space." (January 17 debate)
  • "We will not send American combat troops to either Syria or Iraq...But we do have Special Forces, we do have trainers, we do have the military personnel who are helping with the airstrikes that the United States is leading so that we can try to take out ISIS infrastructure." (February 4 debate)
Trump
  • "I have a simple message for [ISIS]. Their days are numbered. I won't tell them where and I won't tell them how. We must, as a nation, be more unpredictable." (April 27 speech)
  • "We really have no choice...We have to knock the hell out of [ISIS]...I'm hearing numbers of 20,000 to 30,000 [U.S.] troops [necessary to defeat ISIS]." (March 10 debate)
THE ISLAMIC STATE: ROOT CAUSES
Clinton
  • "The reason we are in the mess we're in, that ISIS has the territory it has, is because of Assad." (December 19debate)
Trump
  • "The decision to overthrow the regime in Libya, then pushing for the overthrow of the regime in Syria...without plans for the day after, have created space for ISIS to expand and grow." (June 13 speech)
RADICAL JIHADISM
Clinton
  • "In our fight against radical jihadism, we have to do what actually works. One thing we know that does not work is offensive, inflammatory rhetoric that demonizes all Muslims...Demonizing Muslims also alienates partners and undermines moderates we need around the world in the fight against ISIS." (March 23 Stanford speech)
  • "From my perspective it matters what we do more than what we say. It mattered that we got bin Laden, not what name we called him. I have clearly said whether you call it radical jihadism or radical Islamism, I'm happy to say either. I think they mean the same thing." (June 14 CNN interview)
Trump
  • "As president, I will call for an international conference focused on this goal. We will work side-by-side with our friends in the Middle East, including our greatest ally Israel. We will partner with...Jordan and...Egypt and all others who recognize this ideology of death that must be extinguished." (August 15 speech)
  • "We have a president who wants to be so politically correct that he doesn't want to use the term 'radical Islamic terrorism'...Unless you're willing to discuss and talk about the real nature of the problem and the name of the problem radical Islamic terrorism, you're never going to solve the problem." (June 15 rally)
PARTY PLATFORMS
The following quotes are taken from the publicly released Democratic and Republican party platforms:

Syria/Islamic State
  • Democratic: "Democrats will instead root out ISIS and other terrorist groups and bring together the moderate Syrian opposition, international community, and our regional allies to reach a negotiated political transition that ends Assad's rule." (p. 42)
  • Republican: "We must stand up for our friends, challenge our foes, and destroy ISIS...We will support the transition to a post-Assad Syrian government that is representative of its people...and contributes to peace and stability in the region." (p. 47)
Iran
  • Democratic: "We support the nuclear agreement with Iran because, as it is vigorously enforced and implemented, it verifiably cuts off all of Iran's pathways to a bomb without resorting to war...[We] will not hesitate to take military action if Iran races towards [a nuclear bomb]...Democrats will push back against Iran's destabilizing activities including its support for terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, counter Iran's ballistic missile program, bolster the capabilities of our Gulf partners, and ensure that Israel always has the ability to defend itself." (p. 43)
  • Republican: "We consider the Administration's deal with Iran, to lift international sanctions and make hundreds of billions of dollars available to the Mullahs...non-binding on the next president...The defiant and emboldened regime in Iran continues to sponsor terrorism across the region, develop a nuclear weapon, test-fire ballistic missiles inscribed with 'Death to Israel,' and abuse the basic human rights of its citizens." (p. 46)
Israel
  • Democratic: "We will continue to work toward a two-state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict negotiated directly by the parties that guarantees Israel's future as a secure and democratic Jewish state with recognized borders and provides the Palestinians with independence, sovereignty, and dignity." (pp. 49-50)
  • Republican: "Support for Israel is an expression of Americanism, and it is the responsibility of our government to advance policies that reflect Americans' strong desire for a relationship with no daylight between America and Israel." (p. 47)


The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Winep logo.jpg
MottoInsight and Analysis on U.S. Middle East Policy
Formation1985
HeadquartersWashington, D.C., U.S.
Executive Director
Robert Satloff
Websitewww.washingtoninstitute.org
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) is an American think tank based in Washington, D.C., focused on the foreign policy of the United States as it pertains to the countries of Southwest Asia. Established in 1985, the institute's mission statement says that it seeks "is to advance a balanced and realistic understanding of American interests in the Middle East and to promote the policies that secure them."


Background

A group of American citizens created the Washington Institute in 1985 to draw from the experience and scholarship of academics and former high-level government officials. The Institute would "focus on cutting-edge research on regional issues that were not being addressed comprehensively by existing organizations."
Martin Indyk, an Australian-trained academic and former deputy director of research for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, helped found WINEP in 1985. Indyk sought to produce nonpartisan scholarship and disinterested assessments on the Middle East; he saw the institute as "friendly to Israel but doing credible research on the Middle East in a realistic and balanced way." The research was thus designed to be more independent and academic-quality. At the time it was founded, the Institute focused research on Arab–Israeli relations, political and security issues, and overall U.S. Middle East policy.In the 1990s, prompted by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Persian Gulf War, and changes in regional strategy, the Institute expanded its research agenda to "focus on Turkey and the rise of Islamic politics." Under Indyk's leadership, the institute gained notability as a center for the study and discussion of Middle East policy, and attracted Arab intellectuals to its events. Indyk would go on to serve in several U.S. diplomatic posts including U.S. ambassador to Israel, special envoy for Israeli–Palestinian negotiations, special assistant to President Clinton and senior director for Near East and South Asian affairs at the National Security Council and assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs. Indyk is currently vice president and director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution.[8]
In addition to ongoing research, the Institute has striven to provide in-depth analysis at key inflection points in Middle East policy, such as during presidential election years. Beginning in 1988, the Institute convened bipartisan Presidential Study Groups that have offered policy papers for incoming administrations of either party. The inaugural PSG document informed the policy of the George H. W. Bush administration toward the Middle East peace process
According to The New York Times, the Institute has earned a reputation for solid scholarship, is committed to the peace process, and is supportive of Israel—a relationship with which it believes advances U.S. security interests. However, the Institute does not identify as pro-Israel, saying the moniker "projects two false impressions—first, that the institute does not value American interests above special pleading for a foreign power and second, that the institute must be 'anti' others in the region (Palestinians, Arabs)."It adds:
This shorthand terminology perpetuates 'old thinking' that views the Arab–Israeli conflict as the key dividing line in a region where the division between moderates versus radicals is a more accurate prism through which to understand local politics. On the personal level, this one-dimensional description of the institute's quarter-century of research does a disservice to the many current and former United States government officials and military officers at the institute over the years as well as the numerous institute scholars from Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Morocco and other Middle Eastern countries over the years who have undertaken impeccable research on a broad array of topics.
The institute has come to be regarded as the preeminent think tank with a regional focus. It has made major contributions to the search for a peaceful resolution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It produces research with policy assessments of current events, and its recommendations have been adopted by senior policymakers. It has a bipartisan agenda and board, and is respected by both major political parties. It is closer ideologically to the Democratic Party; it generally opposes neoconservative policy. To underscore its commitment to U.S. policy, the institute only accepts donations from American citizens, foundations, corporations and institutions.
In 2011, the Institute devised a report entitled "Imagining the Border", which received much attention for drafting maps that sought to reconcile the Palestinian demand for sovereignty over the West Bank and the Israeli demand for control over most of the Jewish population there. The report drew heavily on statistical data, and proposed certain land swaps to ensure that a future Palestinian state would be viable and have quality land. The Institute gave briefings to senior American, Israeli, and Palestinian government officials about the maps.
After the takeover of areas of Iraq by the Sunni militant group Daesh (ISIL) in 2014, The New York Times reported that Institute Lafer Fellow Michael Knights  had alerted the U.S. National Security Council as early as 2012 to the rising level of insurgency among Iraq's Sunni minority. White House officials questioned his statistics and did not take action.

Activities

The Washington Institute accesses the policy process from many angles: the written word, the spoken word, and personal contact. Institute experts research the region and brief officials in all branches of the U.S. government, both civilian and military. In addition to producing printed long-form monographs, the Institute issues time-sensitive policy briefs which are distributed electronically by e-mail and social media. AChicago Tribune editorial declared that institute-sponsored polls bring to light trends in popular thinking across the Middle East.
While the institute frequently hosts off-the-record events with policymakers and scholars, its policy forums are public events featuring newsmakers and analysts that are attended by officials and journalists and are broadcast live on-line. The Institute also holds an annual policy conference that convenes policymakers, journalists and diplomats in Washington, D.C., for in-depth discussion and debate on the key Middle East issues facing the United States.
Institute scholars are public intellectuals who share their analysis frequently in major print and broadcast outlets. All institute output is available through its website in both English and Arabic.
In addition to its permanent resident fellows—a group of experienced policymakers from government and academia—the institute also hosts visiting fellows from around the world. Visiting fellows include both young people beginning their foreign policy careers and veterans who take advantage of a year in Washington, D.C., to study the Middle East from an American vantage point. In cooperation with the Army, Navy, Air Force, and State Department, WINEP offers one-year fellowships that enable rising officers to immerse themselves in the geopolitics of the Middle East and the process of Washington policymaking. The Institute also supports a program for research assistants and interns that provides foreign policy experience for undergraduates and recent college graduates. Several institute alumni now hold positions in the government, military, and academia internationally.
The Washington Institute Book Prize, which recognizes English-language books on the Middle East each year, is the most lucrative award in the field with gold, silver, and bronze winners receiving $30,000, $15,000, and $5,000, respectively.
The institute’s Scholar-Statesman Award honors individuals "whose public service and professional achievements exemplify sound scholarship and a discerning knowledge of history." Recipients have included former U.S. President Bill Clinton, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

Current programs

The Washington Institute currently supports eight in-house research programs:
  • Program on Arab Politics — focuses on social, political, and economic developments in the Arab world.
  • Project on the Middle East Peace Process — analysis on issues of critical concern to Israel and its Arab neighbors.
  • Gulf and Energy Policy Program — focuses on the conservative Arab States of the Persian Gulf and their role as a primary source of oil and natural gas.
  • Iran Security Initiative — analysis, private dialogue, public debate, and operational recommendations to address the challenges posed by Iran.
  • Military and Security Studies Program — issues that affect United States security interests.
  • Stein Program on Counter-terrorism and Intelligence — analysis of militant groups, their logistical and financial support networks, and counter-terrorism policy.
  • Fikra Forum — to stimulate debate and generate ideas for potential democracy in Arab countries
  • Turkish Research Program — discussion about Turkey's political, diplomatic and strategic environment.

Reception

Praise

In a 2014 study by the University of Pennsylvania's Lauder Institute of all think tanks worldwide, the Washington Institute was ranked 42nd on "Best Transdisciplinary Research Program at a Think Tank" and 42nd on "Think Tanks with Outstanding Policy-Oriented Public Programs".
“You have for almost three decades been engaged in the extraordinarily important work of making ideas matter in some of the most vexing, critically important issues of our time. Ideas do matter, but they matter only if they are ideas that are tested by people who are willing to engage in civil discourse with those who might disagree, people, indeed, who search for the truth. That has been the reputation and the reality of the Institute since it was founded." — former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
"For nearly 30 years, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy has helped the United States government better understand and respond to big policy challenges focused in the Middle East." — Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel

Criticism

The organization has been criticized for having strong ties to the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC and for being founded by a former AIPAC employee.
In a December 2003 interview on Al JazeeraRashid Khalidi, a Palestinian-American professor and director of Columbia University's Middle East Institute, sharply criticized WINEP, stating that it is "the fiercest of the enemies of the Arabs and the Muslims", and describing it as the "most important Zionist propaganda tool in the United States."[36] In response, Martin Kramer, the editor of the Middle East Quarterly and a visiting fellowat WINEP, defended the group, saying that it is "run by Americans, and accepts funds only from American sources," and that it was "outrageous" for Khalidi to denounce Arabs that visited WINEP as "blundering dupes."
John Mearsheimer, a University of Chicago political science professor, and Stephen Walt, academic dean at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, describe it as "part of the core" of the pro-Israeli lobby in the United States.Discussing the group in their book, The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy, Mearsheimer and Walt write: "Although WINEP plays down its links to Israel and claims that it provides a 'balanced and realistic' perspective on Middle East issues, this is not the case. In fact, WINEP is funded and run by individuals who are deeply committed to advancing Israel's agenda ... Many of its personnel are genuine scholars or experienced former officials, but they are hardly neutral observers on most Middle East issues and there is little diversity of views within WINEP's ranks."
Members of WINEP have in turn criticized Mearsheimer and Walt's book on multiple grounds, pointing to its "not including any interviews with current or former government officials about the lobby's influence on foreign policy", the fact that "not only has the U.S.–Israeli relationship not been a liability for either country (the central claim of the book), it has been, at least to some extent, an asset to the Arab regimes, as a strategic counterweight to radicalism", and that "foreign policies are shaped by leaders and events, not lobbies."

Notable current and former scholars

Several current and former members of WINEP have served in senior positions in the administrations of Presidents George H.W. Bush,Bill ClintonGeorge W. Bush, and Barack Obama.[44]

Board of Advisors

As of August 26, 2014 the Washington Institute's advisory board included:
  • John R. AllenGeneralUnited States Marine Corps (ret.)
  • Howard Berman, former Member of Congress
  • Birch Evans "Evan" Bayh III, former United States Senator
  • Henry Kissinger, former Secretary of State
  • Joseph Lieberman, former United States Senator
  • Edward Luttwak, Senior Associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
  • Michael Mandelbaum, Director of the American Foreign Policy program at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies
  • Robert McFarlane, former National Security Advisor
  • Martin Peretz, former editor-in-chief of The New Republic
  • Richard Perle, former Assistant Secretary of Defense
  • Condoleezza Rice, former Secretary of State
  • James Roche, former Secretary of the Air Force
  • George Shultz, former Secretary of State
  • R. James Woolsey, former Director of Central Intelligence
  • Mortimer Zuckerman, Publisher of U.S. News & World Report
Previous board members
  • Warren Christopher (1925–2011), former Secretary of State
  • Lawrence S. Eagleburger (1930–2011), former Secretary of State
  • Max Kampelman (1920–2013), former American diplomat
  • Samuel W. Lewis (1930–2014), former United States Ambassador to Israel

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